Practice English Speaking&Listening with: Communist China and the Free World's Future: Secretary Pompeo at the Nixon Presidential Library

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SECRETARY POMPEO: Thank you.

Thank you all.

Thank you, Governor, for that very, very generous introduction.

It is true: When you walk in that gym and you say the namePompeo,” there is a

whisper.

I had a brother, Mark, who was really gooda really good basketball player.

And how about another round of applause for the Blue Eagles Honor Guard and Senior Airman

Kayla Highsmith, and her wonderful rendition of the national anthem?

(Applause.)

Thank you, too, to Pastor Laurie for that moving prayer, and I want to thank Hugh Hewitt

and the Nixon Foundation for your invitation to speak at this important American institution.

It was great to be sung to by an Air Force person, introduced by a Marine, and they let

the Army guy in in front of the Navy guys house.

(Laughter.)

Its all good.

Its an honor to be here in Yorba Linda, where Nixons father built the house in

which he was born and raised.

To all the Nixon Center board and staff who made today possibleits difficult in

these timesthanks for making this day possible for me and for my team.

We are blessed to have some incredibly special people in the audience, including Chris, who

Ive gotten to knowChris Nixon.

I also want to thank Tricia Nixon and Julie Nixon Eisenhower for their support of this

visit as well.

I want to recognize several courageous Chinese dissidents who have joined us here today and

made a long trip.

And to all the other distinguished guests – (applause) – to all the other distinguished

guests, thank you for being here.

For those of you who got under the tent, you must have paid extra.

And those of you watching live, thank you for tuning in.

And finally, as the governor mentioned, I was born here in Santa Ana, not very far from

here.

Ive got my sister and her husband in the audience today.

Thank you all for coming out.

I bet you never thought that Id be standing up here.

My remarks today are the fourth set of remarks in a series of China speeches that I asked

National Security Advisor Robert OBrien, FBI Director Chris Wray, and the Attorney

General Barr to deliver alongside me.

We had a very clear purpose, a real mission.

It was to explain the different facets of Americas relationship with China, the massive

imbalances in that relationship that have built up over decades, and the Chinese Communist

Partys designs for hegemony.

Our goal was to make clear that the threats to Americans that President Trumps China

policy aims to address are clear and our strategy for securing those freedoms established.

Ambassador OBrien spoke about ideology.

FBI Director Wray talked about espionage.

Attorney General Barr spoke about economics.

And now my goal today is to put it all together for the American people and detail what the

China threat means for our economy, for our liberty, and indeed for the future of free

democracies around the world.

Next year marks half a century since Dr. Kissingers secret mission to China, and the 50th anniversary

of President Nixons trip isnt too far away in 2022.

The world was much different then.

We imagined engagement with China would produce a future with bright promise of comity and

cooperation.

But todaytoday were all still wearing masks and watching the pandemics body count

rise because the CCP failed in its promises to the world.

Were reading every morning new headlines of repression in Hong Kong and in Xinjiang.

Were seeing staggering statistics of Chinese trade abuses that cost American jobs and strike

enormous blows to the economies all across America, including here in southern California.

And were watching a Chinese military that grows stronger and stronger, and indeed more

menacing.

Ill echo the questions ringing in the hearts and minds of Americans from here in California

to my home state of Kansas and beyond:

What do the American people have to show now 50 years on from engagement with China?

Did the theories of our leaders that proposed a Chinese evolution towards freedom and democracy

prove to be true?

Is this Chinas definition of a win-win situation?

And indeed, centrally, from the Secretary of States perspective, is America safer?

Do we have a greater likelihood of peace for ourselves and peace for the generations which

will follow us?

Look, we have to admit a hard truth.

We must admit a hard truth that should guide us in the years and decades to come, that

if we want to have a free 21st century, and not the Chinese century of which Xi Jinping

dreams, the old paradigm of blind engagement with China simply wont get it done.

We must not continue it and we must not return to it.

As President Trump has made very clear, we need a strategy that protects the American

economy, and indeed our way of life.

The free world must triumph over this new tyranny.

Now, before I seem too eager to tear down President Nixons legacy, I want to be clear

that he did what he believed was best for the American people at the time, and he may

well have been right.

He was a brilliant student of China, a fierce cold warrior, and a tremendous admirer of

the Chinese people, just as I think we all are.

He deserves enormous credit for realizing that China was too important to be ignored,

even when the nation was weakened because of its own self-inflicted communist brutality.

In 1967, in a very famous Foreign Affairs article, Nixon explained his future strategy.

Heres what he said:

He said, “Taking the long view, we simply cannot afford to leave China forever outside

of the family of nationsThe world cannot be safe until China changes.

Thus, our aimto the extent we can, we must influence events.

Our goal should be to induce change.”

And I think thats the key phrase from the entire article: “to induce change.”

So, with that historic trip to Beijing, President Nixon kicked off our engagement strategy.

He nobly sought a freer and safer world, and he hoped that the Chinese Communist Party

would return that commitment.

As time went on, American policymakers increasingly presumed that as China became more prosperous,

it would open up, it would become freer at home, and indeed present less of a threat

abroad, itd be friendlier.

It all seemed, I am sure, so inevitable.

But that age of inevitability is over.

The kind of engagement we have been pursuing has not brought the kind of change inside

of China that President Nixon had hoped to induce.

The truth is that our policiesand those of other free nationsresurrected Chinas

failing economy, only to see Beijing bite the international hands that were feeding

it.

We opened our arms to Chinese citizens, only to see the Chinese Communist Party exploit

our free and open society.

China sent propagandists into our press conferences, our research centers, our high-schools, our

colleges, and even into our PTA meetings.

We marginalized our friends in Taiwan, which later blossomed into a vigorous democracy.

We gave the Chinese Communist Party and the regime itself special economic treatment,

only to see the CCP insist on silence over its human rights abuses as the price of admission

for Western companies entering China.

Ambassador OBrien ticked off a few examples just the other day: Marriott, American Airlines,

Delta, United all removed references to Taiwan from their corporate websites, so as not to

anger Beijing.

In Hollywood, not too far from herethe epicenter of American creative freedom, and

self-appointed arbiters of social justiceself-censors even the most mildly unfavorable

reference to China.

This corporate acquiescence to the CCP happens all over the world, too.

And how has this corporate fealty worked?

Is its flattery rewarded?

Ill give you a quote from the speech that General Barr gave, Attorney General Barr.

In a speech last week, he said thatThe ultimate ambition of Chinas rulers isnt

to trade with the United States.

It is to raid the United States.”

China ripped off our prized intellectual property and trade secrets, causing [1] millions of

jobs all across America.

It sucked supply chains away from America, and then added a widget made of slave labor.

It made the worlds key waterways less safe for international commerce.

President Nixon once said he feared he had created aFrankensteinby opening the

world to the CCP, and here we are.

Now, people of good faith can debate why free nations allowed these bad things to happen

for all these years.

Perhaps we were naive about Chinas virulent strain of communism, or triumphalist after

our victory in the Cold War, or cravenly capitalist, or hoodwinked by Beijings talk of apeaceful

rise.”

Whatever the reasonwhatever the reason, today China is increasingly authoritarian

at home, and more aggressive in its hostility to freedom everywhere else.

And President Trump has said: enough.

I dont think many people on either side of the aisle dispute the facts that I have

laid out today.

But even now, some are insisting that we preserve the model of dialogue for dialogues sake.

Now, to be clear, well keep on talking.

But the conversations are different these days.

I traveled to Honolulu now just a few weeks back to meet with Yang Jiechi.

It was the same old storyplenty of words, but literally no offer to change any of the

behaviors.

Yangs promises, like so many the CCP made before him, were empty.

His expectations, I surmise, were that Id cave to their demands, because frankly this

is what too many prior administrations have done.

I didnt, and President Trump will not either.

As Ambassador OBrien explained so well, we have to keep in mind that the CCP regime

is a Marxist-Leninist regime.

General Secretary Xi Jinping is a true believer in a bankrupt totalitarian ideology.

Its this ideology, its this ideology that informs his decades-long desire for global

hegemony of Chinese communism.

America can no longer ignore the fundamental political and ideological differences between

our countries, just as the CCP has never ignored them.

My experience in the House Intelligence Committee, and then as director of the Central Intelligence

Agency, and my now two-plus years as Americas Secretary of State have led me to this central

understanding:

That the only waythe only way to truly change communist China is to act not on the

basis of what Chinese leaders say, but how they behave.

And you can see American policy responding to this conclusion.

President Reagan said that he dealt with the Soviet Union on the basis oftrust but

verify.”

When it comes to the CCP, I say we must distrust and verify.

(Applause.)

We, the freedom-loving nations of the world, must induce China to change, just as President

Nixon wanted.

We must induce China to change in more creative and assertive ways, because Beijings actions

threaten our people and our prosperity.

We must start by changing how our people and our partners perceive the Chinese Communist

Party.

We have to tell the truth.

We cant treat this incarnation of China as a normal country, just like any other.

We know that trading with China is not like trading with a normal, law-abiding nation.

Beijing threatens international agreements astreats international suggestions as

or agreements as suggestions, as conduits for global dominance.

But by insisting on fair terms, as our trade representative did when he secured our phase

one trade deal, we can force China to reckon with its intellectual property theft and policies

that harmed American workers.

We know too that doing business with a CCP-backed company is not the same as doing business

with, say, a Canadian company.

They dont answer to independent boards, and many of them are state-sponsored and so

have no need to pursue profits.

A good example is Huawei.

We stopped pretending Huawei is an innocent telecommunications company thats just showing

up to make sure you can talk to your friends.

Weve called it what it isa true national security threatand weve taken action

accordingly.

We know too that if our companies invest in China, they may wittingly or unwittingly support

the Communist Partys gross human rights violations.

Our Departments of Treasury and Commerce have thus sanctioned and blacklisted Chinese leaders

and entities that are harming and abusing the most basic rights for people all across

the world.

Several agencies have worked together on a business advisory to make certain our CEOs

are informed of how their supply chains are behaving inside of China.

We know too, we know too that not all Chinese students and employees are just normal students

and workers that are coming here to make a little bit of money and to garner themselves

some knowledge.

Too many of them come here to steal our intellectual property and to take this back to their country.

The Department of Justice and other agencies have vigorously pursued punishment for these

crimes.

We know that the Peoples Liberation Army is not a normal army, too.

Its purpose is to uphold the absolute rule of the Chinese Communist Party elites and

expand a Chinese empire, not to protect the Chinese people.

And so our Department of Defense has ramped up its efforts, freedom of navigation operations

out and throughout the East and South China Seas, and in the Taiwan Strait as well.

And weve created a Space Force to help deter China from aggression on that final

frontier.

And so too, frankly, weve built out a new set of policies at the State Department dealing

with China, pushing President Trumps goals for fairness and reciprocity, to rewrite the

imbalances that have grown over decades.

Just this week, we announced the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston because it

was a hub of spying and intellectual property theft.

(Applause.)

We reversed, two weeks ago, eight years of cheek-turning with respect to international

law in the South China Sea.

Weve called on China to conform its nuclear capabilities to the strategic realities of

our time.

And the State Departmentat every level, all across the worldhas engaged with

our Chinese counterparts simply to demand fairness and reciprocity.

But our approach cant just be about getting tough.

Thats unlikely to achieve the outcome that we desire.

We must also engage and empower the Chinese peoplea dynamic, freedom-loving people

who are completely distinct from the Chinese Communist Party.

That begins with in-person diplomacy.

(Applause.)

Ive met Chinese men and women of great talent and diligence wherever I go.

Ive met with Uyghurs and ethnic Kazakhs who escaped Xinjiangs concentration camps.

Ive talked with Hong Kongs democracy leaders, from Cardinal Zen to Jimmy Lai.

Two days ago in London, I met with Hong Kong freedom fighter Nathan Law.

And last month in my office, I heard the stories of Tiananmen Square survivors.

One of them is here today.

Wang Dan was a key student who has never stopped fighting for freedom for the Chinese people.

Mr. Wang, will you please stand so that we may recognize you?

(Applause.)

Also with us today is the father of the Chinese democracy movement, Wei Jingsheng.

He spent decades in Chinese labor camps for his advocacy.

Mr. Wei, will you please stand?

(Applause.)

I grew up and served my time in the Army during the Cold War.

And if there is one thing I learned, communists almost always lie.

The biggest lie that they tell is to think that they speak for 1.4 billion people who

are surveilled, oppressed, and scared to speak out.

Quite the contrary.

The CCP fears the Chinese peoples honest opinions more than any foe, and save for losing

their own grip on power, they have reasonno reason to.

Just think how much better off the world would benot to mention the people inside of

Chinaif we had been able to hear from the doctors in Wuhan and theyd been allowed

to raise the alarm about the outbreak of a new and novel virus.

For too many decades, our leaders have ignored, downplayed the words of brave Chinese dissidents

who warned us about the nature of the regime were facing.

And we cant ignore it any longer.

They know as well as anyone that we can never go back to the status quo.

But changing the CCPs behavior cannot be the mission of the Chinese people alone.

Free nations have to work to defend freedom.

Its the furthest thing from easy.

But I have faith we can do it.

I have faith because weve done it before.

We know how this goes.

I have faith because the CCP is repeating some of the same mistakes that the Soviet

Union madealienating potential allies, breaking trust at home and abroad, rejecting

property rights and predictable rule of law.

I have faith.

I have faith because of the awakening I see among other nations that know we cant go

back to the past in the same way that we do here in America.

Ive heard this from Brussels, to Sydney, to Hanoi.

And most of all, I have faith we can defend freedom because of the sweet appeal of freedom

itself.

Look at the Hong Kongers clamoring to emigrate abroad as the CCP tightens its grip on that

proud city.

They wave American flags.

Its true, there are differences.

Unlike the Soviet Union, China is deeply integrated into the global economy.

But Beijing is more dependent on us than we are on them.

(Applause.)

Look, I reject the notion that were living in an age of inevitability, that some trap

is pre-ordained, that CCP supremacy is the future.

Our approach isnt destined to fail because America is in decline.

As I said in Munich earlier this year, the free world is still winning.

We just need to believe it and know it and be proud of it.

People from all over the world still want to come to open societies.

They come here to study, they come here to work, they come here to build a life for their

families.

Theyre not desperate to settle in China.

Its time.

Its great to be here today.

The timing is perfect.

Its time for free nations to act.

Not every nation will approach China in the same way, nor should they.

Every nation will have to come to its own understanding of how to protect its own sovereignty,

how to protect its own economic prosperity, and how to protect its ideals from the tentacles

of the Chinese Communist Party.

But I call on every leader of every nation to start by doing what America has doneto

simply insist on reciprocity, to insist on transparency and accountability from the Chinese

Communist Party.

Its a cadre of rulers that are far from homogeneous.

And these simple and powerful standards will achieve a great deal.

For too long we let the CCP set the terms of engagement, but no longer.

Free nations must set the tone.

We must operate on the same principles.

We have to draw common lines in the sand that cannot be washed away by the CCPs bargains

or their blandishments.

Indeed, this is what the United States did recently when we rejected Chinas unlawful

claims in the South China Sea once and for all, as we have urged countries to become

Clean Countries so that their citizensprivate information doesnt end up in the

hand of the Chinese Communist Party.

We did it by setting standards.

Now, its true, its difficult.

Its difficult for some small countries.

They fear being picked off.

Some of them for that reason simply dont have the ability, the courage to stand with

us for the moment.

Indeed, we have a NATO ally of ours that hasnt stood up in the way that it needs to with

respect to Hong Kong because they fear Beijing will restrict access to Chinas market.

This is the kind of timidity that will lead to historic failure, and we cant repeat

it.

We cannot repeat the mistakes of these past years.

The challenge of China demands exertion, energy from democraciesthose in Europe, those

in Africa, those in South America, and especially those in the Indo-Pacific region.

And if we dont act now, ultimately the CCP will erode our freedoms and subvert the

rules-based order that our societies have worked so hard to build.

If we bend the knee now, our childrens children may be at the mercy of the Chinese

Communist Party, whose actions are the primary challenge today in the free world.

General Secretary Xi is not destined to tyrannize inside and outside of China forever, unless

we allow it.

Now, this isnt about containment.

Dont buy that.

Its about a complex new challenge that weve never faced before.

The USSR was closed off from the free world.

Communist China is already within our borders.

So we cant face this challenge alone.

The United Nations, NATO, the G7 countries, the G20, our combined economic, diplomatic,

and military power is surely enough to meet this challenge if we direct it clearly and

with great courage.

Maybe its time for a new grouping of like-minded nations, a new alliance of democracies.

We have the tools.

I know we can do it.

Now we need the will.

To quote scripture, I ask isour spirit willing but our flesh weak?”

If the free world doesnt changedoesnt change, communist China will surely change

us.

There cant be a return to the past practices because theyre comfortable or because theyre

convenient.

Securing our freedoms from the Chinese Communist Party is the mission of our time, and America

is perfectly positioned to lead it because our founding principles give us that opportunity.

As I explained in Philadelphia last week, standing, staring at Independence Hall, our

nation was founded on the premise that all human beings possess certain rights that are

unalienable.

And its our governments job to secure those rights.

It is a simple and powerful truth.

Its made us a beacon of freedom for people all around the world, including people inside

of China.

Indeed, Richard Nixon was right when he wrote in 1967 thatthe world cannot be safe until

China changes.”

Now its up to us to heed his words.

Today the danger is clear.

And today the awakening is happening.

Today the free world must respond.

We can never go back to the past.

May God bless each of you.

May God bless the Chinese people.

And may God bless the people of the United States of America.

Thank you all.

(Applause.)

The Description of Communist China and the Free World's Future: Secretary Pompeo at the Nixon Presidential Library